The debate about this kind of common interest, or GPG, started and has particularly developed among economists and social scientists, who Gramsci would have called the "organic intellectuals" of the world's intergovernmental agences, and specifically within the aid and monetary agencies (WB, UNDP, IMF). It is also on the agenda of various national aid agencies, in, for example, France
As far as political science is concerned, two main questions
emerge from these discussions:
1) Why have these agencies produced this GPG ideology and why is it becoming
the basic reference term for those involved in international multilateral or
bilateral assistance programmes?
2) How could the (re-) invention of GPGs help to improve the efficiency of the
international assistance public policies these agencies have been created for?
1) In response to the first question, the WB, UNDP, and other technical bodies (from the old WHO to the new WTO), at multilateral and at state levels, are confronted with a twofold crisis which has contributed to the legitimacy deficit of international assistance and cooperation:
- A resource (or funding) crisis in which the contributions of the rich member states fail to meet the needs of agency programmes, particularly since these states have had to deal with the global economic crisis which began in the mid-70s;
- An efficiency crisis, made clear by the fact that after at least four decades of international assistance programmes, the gap between rich and poor and between North and South is widening, as shown by all data produced by UN and EU offices;
These two crises have caused a global legitimacy crisis: the rich consider that they are wasting resources which could be more efficiently used at home, where they are confronted with growing demands; the poor consider that their living conditions are not improving; and finally, experts contemplate the failures of their sophisticated theoretical constructions and the dissolution of their scientific certitudes.
However, international cooperation must continue, just as trade and other forms of formal and informal exchanges and interactions among people continue throughout the world (and because international cooperation management remains a viable and stimulating job for many experts and businesspeople). Overcoming the crisis requires a new mobilizing approach and perhaps a new terminology. The focus on GPGs follows mottos such as "development decades", "structural adjustment programmes", "sustainable development", "struggles against poverty", etc. The term GPG presents a new (or rather a re-designed) and attractive figure for those who are expected to fund international organisation programmes (and their bureaucracies), for those whose job it is to contribute to real improvement in the conditions of the poorest, and perhaps for those who have nothing at all apart from hoping for some improvement in their daily lives.
2) In response to the second question, if GPG is a soft concept - which is a prerequisite for its acceptance by an enlarged audience the world over - it is designed in particular to satisfy the ideology and the arguments of those whose resources are to be mobilized, i.e. the custodians of neo-liberal policies. GPG ressembles some kind of a rhetorical medicine which could avoid the failures and social disturbances caused by SAPs, by reintroducing the regulating role of governments without giving up the neo-liberal tenets. "GPG" is clearly an attempt to update and legitimize the search for a new "governance" mixing capitalist elements (by giving an increasing role to private corporations and to the free market since private profits would help to produce and maintain GPGs) and democratic aspects (by addressing an elusive "civil society" and valorizing NGOs). But questions remain: to what extent could common interest be effectively achieved through free (or even loosely regulated) markets, and how could ordinary people, particularly from the South (but even from the North), participate fully and efficiently in this Edenic construction
From a political scientist's point of view, the main issue
is whether or not this mode of discourse can effectively achieve the ethical
objectives of justice, equality and development. If it can do so, it must be
valid, and GPGs could thus be analysed as a form of
global public goods.
But after considering the eventual usefulness of the concept, there is still
one question on the agenda. The real question is: what do "Justice",
"Equality", and particularly "Development" mean? Considering
the influence and the power of the organic intellectuals we discussed above,
it could be feared that eventually, one century after the WMB ("White Man
Burden"), GPG would become just the updated, sophisticated and scientific-looking
version of the old tradition of hegemonic Western Ideology.